Editor’s Note: This piece is brought to you by Vesa Shatri, a former intern at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for Kosovo as well as a former intern with the Kosovar Centre for Security Studies.
“To those who say NATO is striking at a sovereign nation without justification, I say it is Milosevic who scrapped Kosovo’s autonomy.”
– Tony Blair, March 26, 1999.
For much of recent history, Britain has shied away from further military interventions. There is a sense of public unease surrounding the crusading essence of neoliberal intervention that manifested most clearly with the invasion of Iraq on false premises, and continued under Prime Minister David Cameron’s ‘No-Fly Zone’ in Libya. Even Prime Minister Tony Blair in his recent book Leadership critiques his own branding of ‘ethical foreign policy’. Yet, Britain’s role in Kosovo offers a more inspiring – and more proportional – lesson on the value of the UK’s expeditionary engagements.
When questions arose about whether NATO’s 1999 intervention in Kosovo was justified, Blair’s statement made it clear: the intervention was not only legitimate but necessary to stop ethnic cleansing and atrocities against the Albanian population under Milosevic. Britain stood among the leading nations supporting NATO’s humanitarian mission. British forces went beyond military duties, helping to rebuild infrastructure and foster reconciliation. Their intervention not only helped win the war but also gained the trust and hearts of the people of Kosovo.
Kosovo and Its History
Kosovo Force (KFOR) was deployed on 12 June 1999 under UN Security Council Resolution 1244. Britain played a leading role from the outset, contributing over 19,000 troops—the largest contingent in KFOR—ensuring security, protecting civilians, and stabilizing the post-conflict environment. After this phase begins the establishment of local institutions, characterised by the transfer of competencies from the international administration to the local institutions.
Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008 was a test of Western credibility. The UK, alongside the United States and key EU allies, was decisive in recognizing Kosovo, giving legitimacy to its statehood and reaffirming London’s commitment to freedom and stability in the region. Since then, Britain’s support has been unwavering, expressed through EULEX, UNMIK, and its embassy in Pristina. London continues to encourage Kosovo’s government to ensure all communities participate fully in the country’s future, uphold a multi-ethnic and inclusive state, and deliver justice and accountability.
Yet, Kosovo continues to struggle with forming a stable government. Since the elections on the 9th February, the Parliament has repeatedly failed to convene. This delay in forming Kosovo’s institutions, in my view, will ultimately harm no one more than Kosovo itself. At a time of shifting geopolitics and changing international approaches to conflict, Kosovo should have been far more attentive and seized the momentum of support from its key partners — the United States and the United Kingdom, two of the world’s leading powers. Instead, by failing to constitute the parliament and by indulging in short-sighted daily politics that serve neither our people nor the wider region, we risk disappointing the very allies who have stood firmly by us. The United Kingdom, through its Ambassador Jonathan Hargreaves, has urged Kosovo’s leaders to break the deadlock, stressing that “more than three months after citizens voted, Kosovo urgently needs a functioning Parliament and government. The people have the right to expect their leaders to work together for the national interest.” In the same vein, UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy, during his recent visit to Pristina, emphasized that “the issue of Kosovo and Serbia is important for Britain” and underlined the urgency of establishing a new cabinet capable of addressing citizens’ needs and advancing a “sustainable and peaceful normalization.”
Intervention vs Interposition
This contemporary engagement reflects Britain’s long-term vision: its commitment to Kosovo is not merely historical but active and ongoing. Beyond diplomacy, the UK supports human rights, inter-community relations, media freedom, and the rule of law, underlining its commitment to Kosovo’s long-term development as a democratic and diverse society. Through initiatives such as the Berlin Process Summit and the work of Special Envoys, Britain’s partnership with Kosovo is not merely historical but a continuous commitment to its prosperity, stability, and integration in the Western Balkans.
Rupert Smith was the (British) Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe during the 1999 Kosovo war. In his book The Utility of Force, he writes that British forces had been equipped, trained, and prepared to fight Saddam Hussein’s forces and succeeded in doing so. Afterwards, however, they were delivered the task of restructuring and repairing Iraq despite not having the training, equipment, or resources to succeed. Kosovo, however, was not just a military intervention; it was a humanitarian one for which the UK and the broader international community was prepared for. The security and credibility that NATO/KFOR established set the scene for the UN, EU, and OSCE’s involvement which has since allowed Kosovo to stand out in the Balkan region despite persistent aforementioned challenges.
Britain’s role in Kosovo’s history is undeniable. Crucially, it’s intervention was invited, proportional, and prepared properly. In the current day, Kosovo’s international status has improved, with the IMF and World Bank recognizing it as no longer being fragile, yet it continues to reckon with the scars of its past. It is now the responsibility of Kosovo’s institutions to ensure that the sacrifices and support of its allies have been justified.